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A myth can be described in many ways but the metaphor of a “chaotic
attractor” is especially suitable. In chaos theory, there are several
types of “attractors” but a “chaotic attractor” finds order in what
appears to be incomprehensible data by helping us to discern an
underlying pattern. In much the same way, a myth can organize a
constellation of beliefs, images, emotions, motives, and values that
can, in turn, bring order and direction to a society, an institution,
a family, a person, or to an entire culture. From a psychological
perspective, a myth is an imaginative narrative (usually expressed in
words but sometimes expressed in dance, images, etc.) that addresses
existential human concerns, and that has behavioral consequences.
Myths are more imaginative (more accurately, “imaginal”) than
empirical, and this is where a mythic narrative differs from an
empirical scientific narrative. Empirical science, despite its
successes in explaining the workings of natural phenomena, is
virtually incapable of fulfilling the other functions that myth has
provided over the millennia – assisting the passage of individuals
through the life cycle with rituals and ceremonies (e.g., ways in
which myths are “performed”), identifying a person’s place in the
social world of work, love, and play, as well as helping him or her to
link with the world of spirit, of the “ground of being,” or of
ultimate value.
This essay will use these perspectives on myth (one
covert, one overt) to present, for the first time, a particular
transcription of a portion of oral mythology. We were honored to be
allowed to record these stories during a trip to Salvador, Bahia,
Brazil in 1997 where Cau Trigo, a young Brazilian man working with the
Kariri Xöcó tribe introduced us to Tinze, the “Nhenti” or “Keeper of
the Traditions.”
The History of the Tribe
The Kariri Xöcó are a coastal tribe in the Brazilian northeast (Novaes
da Mota, 1997). In the 13th and 14th centuries, the warriors of the
Tupi tribe pushed the Kariri Xöcó from most of their coastal land into
the interior. They now live along the west side of the Săo Francisco
River, the second largest in Brazil, after the Amazon, with which it
does not connect. Hydroelectric projects interfere with the tribe’s
water supply, badly needed for fishing and irrigation. Only 10% of
the land they presently occupy is now legally owned by the tribe
itself, the remaining property being subject to state and federal
regulation and utilization.
This process of losing control of the land and, therefore,
their destiny, began during the days ofcolonization. The Portuguese
made slaves of the Tupi Indians, and the European historians called
them the first people of the coast, not knowing that the Tupi had
supplanted the Kariri Xöcó before the Portuguese arrived. It took a
century for the Portuguese to locate the Kariri Xöcó. With the advent
of colonization, the federation of northeast Indian groups
disintegrated. The Kariri Xöcó, whose culture had not recovered from
their ejection from a coastal area to a dryer river area, were further
destabilized by the Portuguese.
There were bloody skirmishes between the Indians and the
colonizers. Hoping to reduce expenditures on war, the Portuguese
brought Capuchin priests from France as well as Jesuit missionaries in
an attempt to pacify the region. This plan succeeded but resulted in
the loss of much of the Kariri Xöcó culture.
Personal History of Tinze
Tinze told us that he had always had an interest in the
myths of his tribe. But when a child attempts to listen to the tales
told by tribal elders, the custom is to tell the child to go away.
Only a child with determination will respond by saying that he or she
wants to stay and listen. Tinze was one of these children. In
addition, he often pretended to be asleep while the elders were
telling stories. He still remembers the state of consciousness he
fell into during those hours – a mixture of relaxation induced by
having his eyes closed, alertness needed to hear the stories, and fear
of being discovered.
Over the years, Tinze gradually won the confidence of his
elders. Little by little, he was given tasks and responsibilities.
As he was successful in each of his missions, he gained more access to
the stories along with new tribal duties.
In his early 30s at the time of our interview, Tinze told
us, “From the time I was a child, I have been interested in tribal
stories, and eventually I committed myself to the recovery of the
Kariri Xöcó culture. I could see how a revival of these stories could
stop the loss of our culture. Once I had attained sufficient wisdom,
the elders listened to my ideas to reconnect members of our tribe with
the spirits, with nature, and with each other.” Now Tinze is the
tribe’s “Nhenti” or "Keeper of Traditions." This position involves
secretarial work, representing the tribe to the outside world,
communicating with tribal counselors and heads of families, as well as
with the tribe’s chief and shaman.
Tinze told us that such responsibilities are not common
for a person as young as he is, but that the tribal leaders admired
his devotion to the ways of the ancestors and his skill in harmonizing
and mediating conflict within the tribe. Shortly before our
interview, Tinze was honored to receive a second-hand typewriter for
use in his official duties.
Presentation of Myths
The Kariri Xöcó believe that each river contains several "Măes
do Rio" or "mothers of the river". These spirits live in the river
and must be respected because of their power. Dedzú is one of these
spirits and resides in a portion of the Săo Francisco River, which
originates in the state of Minas Gerais, eventually flowing into the
Atlantic Ocean. Kariri Xöcó fishermen try to win favor from Dedzú
because if she likes them, they will always bring home fish, and their
catch will surpass that of others who have not won her affections.
Indeed, some fishermen give Dedzú so many presents – delicious foods,
beautiful flowers, perfumed herbs – that their wives become jealous
and see Dedzú as a rival. But if a fisherman does not abide by
Dedzú’s wishes, he will catch fewer fish. And if he ignores or
insults her, he is at risk for having his soul stolen. Dedzú’s domain
is filled with stolen souls who work as slaves to do her bidding,
including going on expeditions to steal other souls. The loss of
one’s soul is a terrible tragedy, far worse than losing one’s life.
Dedzú is a spirit of the night. At midnight, she comes
out of the water and visits the riverbank, where she eats the corn and
beans left for her as well as putting the gifts of flowers in her hair
and the perfumed herbs on her body. When surprised by a human being,
she jumps back into the river and the intruder might hear a splash of
water.
Dedzú’s powers are activated by the disappearance of the
sun’s rays. On occasion she will allow herself to be seen by one of
the fishermen she favors. Her body is beautiful but translucent; she
is human in form but has gills on her neck. She wears no clothes but
her long hair flows over her body. These fishermen can stroke her
body and engage in intimate conversation with her, but like other
Kariri Xöcó spirits, she does not engage in sexual activity with
humans. She is capable of having children, however; her pregnancy
sometimes being evoked by the intimacy she shares with one of the
fishermen. She can become very jealous of other "Măes do Rio" and
envious of the wives and girlfriends of her favored fishermen.
When Tinze was in his early 20s, he was accustomed to
returning home with a fine catch of fish, frequently bringing back
more than the other fishermen. Still, he followed the advice of his
mother, who told him, "When you are fishing, be careful to avoid the
river spirits. Take care not to fish too much in one place or the
River Mother may entrap you." Tinze’s mother suspected something of
which he was unaware: the River Mother was preparing him for an
intimate relationship.
In the meantime, Tinze began to have girlfriends and the
Water Mother grew jealous. For the first time, Tinze returned to the
village at the end of the day without any fish. He tired easily and
spent much of his time sleeping. His friends though that he was ill,
but his mother suspected that the River Mother was trying to steal his
soul. Indeed, this suspicion was confirmed in the dreams that Tinze’s
mother had at night about the River Mother, who accused her of being
overly protective of Tinze. One way in which Tinze’s mother protected
him was to put a small piece of tobacco over the door of the house and
also in his shorts, because this sacred plant has the power to
neutralize malevolent activities of the water spirits, and of other
invisible forces as well. Tobacco represents the benevolent spirits
who can protect human beings from invisible forces that are negative,
especially those that result in soul-loss. The efforts of Tinze’s
mother were successful and her son recovered from his weakened
condition.
Another group of water spirits are the "Pretos do Rio," or
the "Dark Ones of the River." One of the most powerful is Irótzu,
another spirit of the night. Often, he stands at the riverbank
observing the fishermen. When a fisherman least expects it, Irótzu
dives into the water; a splash is heard but nothing is seen. Yet the
fishermen know that Irótzu is nearby and monitor their work
carefully. They know that Irótzu will punish them if they fish during
the time when fish eggs are hatching. They know that they must fish
only when necessary, and must use only natural methods of fishing.
For example, some men toss small bombs into the river and collect the
fish that float to the surface. They are subject to the wrath of
Irótzu, and if they try to protect themselves with tobacco, Irótzu
will go after one of their immediate family members.
Women of the Kariri Xöcó tribe can fish as well as men.
One of Tinze’s cousins had been fishing for a long time with no
success. Finally, in frustration, she called out to the river
spirits, "Stop joking and give me somefish." Such a statement was
disrespectful, of course. She immediately felt dizzy and almost fell
out of the boat. Her sister caught her and rowed back to shore.
Eventually, the transgressing woman regained consciousness, but her
eyes burned badly. Her brother told her that her head looked as if it
had been hit by a bow.
A healing session was initiated, which successfully aided
the woman’s recovery. The Healing God’s full name is sacred and can
never be mentioned in public. However, there are many healing spirits
to whom prayers can be offered directly.
The religion of the Kariri Xöcó is syncretic. Since the
time of the missionaries, members of the tribe have entered into
relationships with Christian Saints through their prayers and public
rituals. As Tinze remarked, "We love Jesus Christ and admire Mother
Mary, but we retain our ancestors’ religion as well."
A third water spirit is "CabeVa Grande" or "Big Head," a
name applied collectively to a group of invisible children who play in
the river. These spirits have heads that are disproportionate in size
to the rest of their bodies. Their antics can be observed when there
is a rush of white water, a sudden eddy, or an unexpected phenomenon.
Tinze told us, "One day I saw a stream of water flowing against the
current and knew that Big Head was being playful."
These spirit children do not interfere with human
affairs. However, fishermen must be aware of their behavior or their
boats might get caught in the rapids that develop when Big Head is
making sport.
Placing of Myths Within Our Perspective
The narratives provided by Tinze illustrate our
descriptive model of myths. On an overt level, these stories are
imaginative narratives that address such important human issues as
family relationships, food supply, and matters of health and safety.
The narratives impact behavior, giving instructions as to how fishing
must be done, how the spirits must be pacified, how souls must be
protected, and how sickness must be treated.
On a covert level, these myths can be said to "attract"
beliefs (tobacco will protect someone from malevolent spirit
activity), emotions (parental concern for the souls of their
children), images (the description of the Water Mother with her gifts
and long hair), motivation (bringing home a fine catch of fish is so
important that one is motivated to respect the water spirits), and
values (the loss of one’s soul is the ultimate disaster).
The utility of our descriptive model can be demonstrated
with the myths of the Kariri Xöcó. But it can also identify mythic
elements in other imaginal narratives. Fairy tales are told for
entertainment, but often include moral lessons. Legends tell of
semi-historical feats of heroism but frequently refer to a culture’s
values. Sagas are compilations of legendary accounts but the motives
of their characters are essential to the narrative.
Even so, some imaginal narratives deal with superficial
issues and do not contain behavioral implications, thus lacking the
qualities that would qualify them as myths. In a world where chaos
seems to be on the increase, the underlying attractor provided by
myths can provide a sense of order to individuals, institutions,
families, societies, and perhaps even to cultural revivals as we
observed in Tinze’s accounts of the Kariri Xöcó.
References
Da Mota, N. (1997). Jurema's children in the forest of the spirits.
London: Intermediate Technology Publications.
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